This week, I am going to begin a four-week look at Michael Polanyi’s notion of “moral inversion,” which is a concept that I believe is important to fully understand to help Western culture, and indeed world culture, escape from current problems. In his Gifford Lectures, published as Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical PhilosophyMichael Polanyi gave his fullest philosophical defense of a free and moral society. [1] He begins by noting that any human undertaking, and most importantly the creation and maintenance of a free society, requires a community that respects the values of that society and acknowledges the personal obligation of its members to maintain and extend those values into the future. The love of freedom requires a society that fosters the character and determination to maintain and extend that society’s freedom as a cultural obligation.[2]
Polanyi discusses his theory of social interaction and the problem of moral inversion in a chapter entitled “Conviviality.” [3]The word “conviviality” derives from a Latin root (con+ vivere), meaning “to live with others.” More interestingly, the English term is derived from the French term “convivialis,” meaning “pertaining to a feast or celebration.” One hopes that a post-Nietzschean, post-nihilistic society might return to a social vision of human flourishing as a feast.[4]
Humans as Social Creatures
Humans are naturally social creatures, and as a result, they are inherently connected through various responsibilities to their family, friends, colleagues, and the wider community. These bonds help us support and collaborate with one another, enriching our lives and strengthening our sense of belonging. Polanyi points out that this human propensity toward social interaction is not limited to humans; it exists in other creatures; however, it is most highly developed in humans and in the vast array of social institutions they have created and can create.[5]
These social systems are established and maintained largely through human language and the capacity of human beings to develop political philosophies, constitutions, legal systems, bureaucratic systems, and other incidents of a complicated social structure. These articulated systems, whether scientific or legal, demonstrate the capacity of human beings to create systems of understanding that support human flourishing. Human beings, instinctively and often tacitly, or capable of extending the conditions of human flourishing, as a kind of social beauty, as well as creating systems of oppression.[6]
In political systems, the constitutions and laws that form them are largely composed of written documents, such as the constitution adopted by the founders, the positive laws enacted by the legislature, and the many opinions issued by the judiciary as it seeks to resolve conflicts arising under those laws. No one can understand or participate in such a system without some form of education that enables them to become part of the community. In a political community, such as the United States of America, there are varying degrees to which someone becomes part of the community.
The basics of our system of government should be known by everyone; however, to become a practitioner of the art of being part of society, a person must undertake an apprenticeship through which they learn the community’s basic values and the details of its articulation in human language. To do this, before any important formation can take place, the learner must believe in the tradition’s core values. Polanyi’s favorite appropriation of Saint Augustine, “one must believe before one knows.” [7]
Trusting the tradition of which one is becoming a part does not eliminate the personal nature of the knowledge to be gained, nor does it deprive the one entering a period of apprenticeship in a tradition of their own powers of questioning and doubt. Since one of the primary principles of Polanyi’s system is the principle of fallibility (the idea that whatever my opinions are might be wrong, and therefore I must hold them with a willingness to change my mind), it is part of a free tradition that one joins by personal choice.[8] This requires the virtue of holding ones opinions with a degree of humility and recognition of human limits.
It is impossible to overemphasize the role of conviviality or fellowship in the creation of any society. [9] For example, although the founders of quantum physics disagreed on many matters, they met regularly, discussed them in depth, and respected one another, even during disagreement. There was a degree of conviviality, even among those who consider themselves intellectual opponents. One important indication of the problem with American political culture is precisely this lack of conviviality among those in high positions with great influence who disagree on the specifics of policy. No communal search for freedom can endure a situation in which the participants have lost the ability to communicate and to fellowship with one another.
From Foundations to Institutions
It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the basic point: Free societies sit upon a foundation of common values, interpersonal relationships, and trust in a common endeavor, in the case of a free society, the gradual improvement of society through agreement and common action. The structure of the process of institutional evolution looks like this for Polanyi:
- Shared common convictions
- Shared social interaction and fellowship
- Cooperation towards common goals
- Structures of authority and social coercion.[10]
It is important to note the order: authority and coercive structures, such as law and police, are not primary; they are not first but last. This is crucial to understanding what is wrong with totalitarian regimes, whether soft (relying on bureaucratic and social coercion) or hard (relying on brute force). In a free society where human beings can flourish, shared convictions, social interaction, and cooperation are more fundamental than any coercive structure and rest on the legitimacy conferred by the group’s shared values, community, and action. Structures of authority and the exercise of power should be developed to protect the common convictions, fellowship, and free common action of the society.[11]
Dangers to Modern Societies
Prior to the Enlightenment, throughout most of human history, it was taken for granted that all societies had to have a hierarchical structure of some kind. These hierarchical structures either modified themselves gradually (and were renewed) or were changed by certain cataclysmic events, such as the defeat of the Persian empire by Alexander, the great. With the advent of the modern world, the conviction spread that societies could be improved indefinitely by the exertion of the political will of the people, and that the people should therefore be sovereign, both in theory and in fact. This, in turn, led to the potential for what might be called democratic totalitarianism, or what Marx called the “Will of the Proletariat.” The founders of the United States were well aware of this danger, which is why they attempted to create a system of checks and balances. While the people would have the final say in their government, the Constitution incorporated various safeguards against the abuse of that freedom. Modern totalitarian governments are a return to a pre-Enlightenment static society in which the government can comprehensively impose its will on a society and its members. This is the essence of totalitarianism.[12]
The Moral Foundation of Free Societies
As the foregoing makes plain, Polanyi understood that society and social institutions rest upon a foundation of morality that is deeper than the external features of the social system or society. Morality, custom, and law all perform important functions within any society. Moral judgments are individual actions that involve the whole person and influence every facet of society. [13]Unfortunately, in a critical aid, such as ours, the capacity of morality to sustain itself as a stable course of society Is always precarious.[14]
Using science as an example, Paul argues that the key to maintaining moral values and other cultural norms in a free society lies in the self-organization of people working together on a common task, such as scientific discovery. He also emphasizes the importance of freely adopting standards, under expert leadership, to help the group achieve its shared goals.[15] As in science, there must be enforceable standards (which may change over time), but those standards are maintained not so much by force as by consensus.[16] In fact, I would argue that where force is required, there has been an unwillingness or inability to maintain a rational consensus within the group.
In a free society, civic culture works much like a friendly neighborhood where everyone gradually agrees on shared values. Over time, civic authorities earn the right to uphold these community standards, owing to the collective effort of people who are passionate about understanding what is right—especially those involved in philosophy, religion, and related fields. Constitutions and laws are built on this delicate moral agreement, which needs constant nurturing and care through ongoing reforms. Naturally, such a process involves healthy discussions, debates, and thoughtful decisions to keep everything moving forward positively.
If a fundamental degree of social consensus cannot be reached or honored, the society is in a state of latent civil war. In such situations, the government may resort to coercion under the influence of a dominant group. However, the society itself has lost cohesion and the capacity to make progress, and is in decline.[17] It is almost impossible to deny that this is precisely the situation in which Western democracies, including the United States, find themselves. They have failed to maintain and build that social consensus upon which all free nations rely for their legitimacy and stability.
In the next installment, I will examine both the inevitability of power and coercion, even in free societies, and the dangers posed by resorting to power and its glorification to sustain a free society. When power and its exercise are used to warp the free exercise of individuals’ moral capacities and to force obedience to a fragile or nonexistent consensus, power has been abused, often in the name of “the Will of the People,” God, or national values. Any society that allows this is on the road to totalitarian government.
Copyright 2026, G. Christopher Scruggs, All Rights Reserved
[1] Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1962, 1974).
[2] Id, 203.
[3] Id, Chapter 7.
[4] There is here a connection with a prior series of blogs on the morality of beauty, especially in Orthodox thinking. The vision of human society as a kind of feast of human flourishing is a vision of a society that is beautiful, and beautiful to live in where human beings can achieve their full potential. See my prior reviews of Timothy Patisis, The Ethics of Beauty (Maryville, MO: St. Nicholas Press, 2020).
[5] Id, 209.
[6] Id, 204.
[7] Id, 208.
[8] Id.
[9] Id.
[10] Id, 212.
[11] Id, 213.
[12] Id, 213-4.
[13] Id, 214-5.
[14] Id, at 216.
[15] Id, at 217.
[16] Id, at 218.
[17] Id, at 223.




















